Palabras de un hombre arrasado (Spanish Edition)
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Example 2: English to Spanish translation using NeuroTran translation software. This example differs from the above previous shown example in the sense that it shows English to Spanish translation as opposed to the other direction. All the other features of NeuroTran are the same in this translation direction as they are in the above previous example. In short the key features of NeuroTran are grammar aware translation, learning ability, shows a list of possible alternative meanings for every word or phrase, allows easy post editing of the translated text and much more.
Example 3: Spanish to English translation using InteractiveTran translation software.
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The example shows InteractiveTran's document translation feature. InteractiveTran learns from the user during translation as the user selects from available alternative translations. InteractiveTran can be used to quickly understand any type of Spanish text. For more information on InteractiveTran please click on the image shown below. The case-study on QNs in Spanish for instance shows that the conceptual facets that may persist in the functional uses need not coincide with the foregrounded facets in the original, lexical use.
In other words, unprofiled elements of the original frame can become foregrounded in the grammaticalized uses, while involving metaphoric and metonymic extension mechanisms. The selection of conceptual facet s that persist s in one occurrence need not coincide with the conceptual persistence in other occurrences, since it is co-determined by the particular contextual setting and the N2-collocate cf.
Yet, in 18 , the abruptness and newness of the N2s are particularly prominent: while de repente specifically highlights the suddenness of the appearance, the postmodifying nuevos stresses the idea that the curas did not behave as such before and somehow just came into being. The latter facet is, however, not foregrounded in 18 , and is, to some extent, not even compatible with the context. Salisachs, La gangrena , Suddenly , a flood of new priests set out solutions that had never been heard of before.
If all QNs would desemanticize drastically and end up as true, absolute quantifiers merely expressing an excessive quantity, there would be no need to extend the paradigm of quantifiers. Yet as stated in Section 3. Quantity assessment in the BQs is also achieved by a comparison construal, not to a reference mass including all possible instances of N2, but to the specific configuration or constellation typically associated with N1.
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In order to assess the size of the group of llamadas 'phone calls' in un alud de llamadas , the speaker metaphorically compares the size of N2 to the volume or configuration typically associated with alud as a lexical item. The amount of phone calls may then be construed as an uninterrupted chain that violently overwhelms the person answering the phone, as if they were snowing him under as a literal avalanche. As a consequence, conceptual image persistence leads to individual configurations of N2 according to the QN selected and the specific context it occurs in.
Similarly, conceptual persistence prevents QNs from being mutually interchangeable without at least slightly altering the conceptualization of N2. Arde la chimenea. The chimney is burning. Suddenly a mob of people commanded by the King himself burst into his room [ A partir de las 9. In the present section, we will argue that conceptual persistence can account for apparent inconsistencies in the morpho-syntactic make-up of the BQ construction. In Section 3. What is more, as long as the co-selection patterns are motivated, BQ constructions are unlikely to engage in routinization processes such as phonological attrition, in contrast to English alotta , helluva , French beaucoup or Dutch heleboel for instance.
Rebelion de medianoche (Spanish Edition)
N1 does not admit, however, relational adjectives e. This tendency is functionally and conceptually motivated: Delbecque shows that by preposing the adjective, the property attributed to the noun is presented as unquestionable and presuppositional knowledge, whereas the postmodifying adjective invites a comparison of the modified noun to other instances of its type for the property expressed by the adjective.
The productive adjective co-selection pattern in functional uses thus corresponds to the QNs with a particularly rich source semantics. Table 2. Variation in the premodification pattern per QN per reading. Strictly speaking, the literal or head uses are free to combine with any type of adjective cf.
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This tendency is probably due to the fact that binominal patterns by definition include a type-specification of N1, viz. Likewise, only few instances are observed where specifier uses have a premodifying adjective to N1. Quantifying uses seem to combine slightly more easily with premodifying adjectives, yet only with a restricted set, viz. Since N1 has head-status in the literal uses, this use is expected to present more variation as to the N1-determiner.
Table 3. Distribution of determiner variation per reading. First, generalizing over the different readings, the indefinite determiner is the preferred combination. A fine-grained qualitative analysis has shown that the topicalized nature of the BQ construction is precondition to the use of definite determiners.
The preference for the indefinite determiner un a is discourse-pragmatically motivated as well, since it goes hand in hand with the typical rhematic status of the BQ construction cf. Mihatsch The discourse-pragmatic character of the determiner variation becomes particularly obvious by the substitution test: if the BQ construction would be replaced by a determiner, it would continue to belong to the same class, viz.
In other words, although the determiner agrees morphologically with N1, it semantically scopes over N2. About a wimp or a woman? In this context, the QN may seem pleonastic, since the construction without QN is also registered as such cf.
Again, the categorization or quality assessment is only possible because the BQ construction does not go down the desemanticization path. No pierdas tiempo en maldiciones. Nieva, La carroza de plomo candente. Ceremonia negra en un acto , In principle, the verb is considered to agree with the head of the construction see Aarts , Keizer Faner, Flor de sal , Yet, the reverse is not true.
There are also cases of unexpected verb agreement in singular despite an obvious quantifying interpretation of N1, as in In other words, quantifying uses are not necessarily, nor primarily, associated with plural verb agreement: of 74 quantifying instances attested, 46 combine with singular verb agreement.
The conceptualization of N1 is found to be the most stable factor in explaining verb agreement. The image of a literal flood thus persists to the extent that agreement with N1 feels more natural again. In other words, singular verb agreement in manifestly functional uses correlates with a high degree of conceptual persistence, and is very unlikely to occur in contexts that only display a low degree of conceptual persistence such as If differences in contexts of usage can be detected for these QNs whose source semantics are closely related, then this can be taken as evidence for the proper, individual conceptualization of the N2 entities.
Both pertain to the domain of natural phenomena disasters in this particular case which are beyond human control. The N2 entities are conceptualized as unstoppable and antagonistic forces directed towards one single victim or affected person, as if they were inundating, overwhelming this person literally. The agricultural and industrial products in 35 are equally conceived as suddenly repentino arising, inundating the speaker inundados and overwhelming the farmers and businessmen preparados para competir. This sudden dramatic increase in products is brought about by an external cause fruto de and has drastic consequences.
A flood of new business, and new businessmen, which only some months before were unknown, seems to suddenly inundate the national scene, relegating the politicians to the inside pages of the newspapers. Jaque mate al felipinismo , Still, replacing the respective QNs by their near-synonym sounds awkward according to the native speakers interviewed. Such a positive entailment is incongruent with the specification in 35 that the farmers were not prepared to compete.
Figure 1 visualizes the conceptual image, i. The facets are not necessarily equally profiled, since the particular contextual setting and the co-selection pattern co-determine which set of facet s get s highlighted. In order to fit the image of alud de , two minor modifications are in order, viz. Figure 1. First, the orientation of the forces or dynamic entities crucially differs. The quantity assessment by alud de , in contrast, evokes a common starting point for the N2 entities.
Examples 36 and 37 both illustrate a frequent usage context 24 of these near-synonymous QNs: a politician receives a lot of criticism for having made a polemic statement or taken a questionable measure, and afterwards feels obliged to react to the criticism in an attempt to save his face. The subtle differences brought about by the choice of the QN reside in the conceptualization of all parties settling in the opposition as one single block in 37 , whereas in 36 various government spokespersons are conceived of as emitting their proper criticism, possibly at different moments in time.
This tendency does not imply that the opposition in 37 merely consists of one party nor that all parties expressed their criticism at the same time. The quantification by alud de simply conceptualizes them as one criticizing entity, which makes the criticizing reaction appear as even more decisive. Figure 2.
Spanish Translation Examples
In 38 , in spite of the negative reactions on his previous statements, the bishop did not change his mind and kept on appealing for a dialogue. Similar construals are unusual for alud de , which generally combines with a victim crushed by the extraordinary number of N2-entities, or about to be beaten in the near future. Alud de presents the sudden appearance of N2 as occupying only a limited time slot. In 40 , the judge's decision to cancel the press conference is tantamount to admitting that the criticisms have attained their goal and that the battle is over, so to say.
By way of comparison, using alud de in 43 would have suggested that the calls were over immediately after the first days of January. En unos casos, refuta detalles nimios y en otros, da muestras de clara mala fe. On some occasions, they refute trivial details, on other occasions, they give proof of bad faith.
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Table 4. Jaque mate al felipismo , One final observation does not concern the verbal predicate in the first place, but rather the participles sometimes preceded by e. Table 5 presents the attested N2-combinations, again organized in clusters of semantically related elements. Table 5.